“To young intellectuals disillusioned with the ensuing reality, utopia had become a precious asset. It was the one thing to be trusted, precisely because it contained nothing real. It demanded sacrifice and commitment; it filled life with meaning, by providing a formula that rewrote every negative as a positive, every destructive act as an act of creation. Utopia issued instructions, implacable, secret but authoritative instructions that ordered you to betray everything and everybody that stood in its way – which meant everything and everybody. The thrill of all this was irresistible to people who were taking revenge on a world that they had refused to inherit.”
Roger Scruton
There are three addenda to the quote by Scruton. First, that I might have, in an ironic twist of stupidity, mistaken Scruton for Singer after having mentally indexed during my time in college the lukewarm contemporary voices I consider too dastardly boresome to read, like a swain you take on simply because he is not a swine. Perhaps the horseshow model of political spectrum is rather pat and I held these two as representatives of the genius loci of two stormbearers in a teacup. Indeed the stormswept, highswell sea inspires lesser dread among the mariners than the dead, windless Sargasso, for having no wind which drives the sails they would have been stuck forever. Second, I cannot forgive Scruton’s oversight, or rather deliberate ignominy, repudiating Marx’s materialist theory of history by sputtering “but.. but.. the Common Law of England!”. Shall anyone without detritus for a brain take him as anything more than a lightweight poser? One can overlook the lack of generosity in his accusation that Hobsbawm “re-wrote British history,” although we get such skinflint, banausic charges everyday being flung amidst the orgy of minds of the lower order. It is not mere cross-grained canker but chivalrous candour which elevates splenetic Schopenhauer that in his highest dudgeon he had shown neither hide nor hair of such skullduggery. One rather hears a man scream, in earnest, “the most sickening and loathsome tediousness hangs over the empty bombast of this repulsive philosophaster” ! over and over than read surreptitiously that “Hobsbawm’s rewriting of history according to the Marxist template of ‘class struggle’ involves debunking those sources of loyalty that tie ordinary people not to their class (as the Marxist doctrine requires) but to their nation and its tradition.” If one were to pick at such a mind, riven with cracks and rife with crumbs and riveted with snarls and whistles, one might as well flounce needlessly in the clod-brain of a muckraker or a bushwhacker. Thirdly and most important of all, was Scruton’s insight not, at least, enlightening in some way? Was he not alluding to Nietzsche who first posited that destruction is a creative act? Was he not hinting at odium generis humani when he said “The thrill of all this was irresistible to people who were taking revenge on a world that they had refused to inherit”? Yet he should have perhaps amended “refused to inherit” and replaced it with “failed to inherit.”
The ills of the world are many and people have turned ghoulish and glum. What else is new? First off, I would say we are quite wrong to fancy that we, the plebians and the sans-culottes, are the factious rout; that there are thoroughgoing wars being waged among or against the common people by two fractious rogues running amok.
There is an undercurrent of extreme bias in the press trying to frame the ongoing political crisis in the United States as the war of the wealthy vs the people, whereas it suggests to my rather naive mind a clear-cut case of an internal strife within the fractured wealthy class itself. It is not poor vs rich, but nouveau riche businessmen vs old-moneyed establishment and self-serving politicians. This is an interesting sociological phenomenon. The elites are fighting each other and perhaps it’s not difficult to see why. I truly doubt that the self-made billionaires that started to emerge in the early 1990s to late 2000s would have much in common with the entrenched economic oligarchs and their venal moneygrubbing political allies, whether in official or unofficial capacity, who have operated in tandem in this way for at least half a century, probably since Vietnam War ended up cementing the helm of what C. Wright Mills called the triumvirate of power elites (since then co-opted the Fourth Estate, making up the quadrumvirate of power).
This can be understood as either a generational war: the septuagenarians and octogenarians (and their slightly younger allies who stood to benefit) as against the entire younger parvenu class mostly in their 40s and 50s who came into wealth later—or an ideological war: the entrepreneurs and businessmen who envision and create products or services from the ground up, or lick them into shape that is serviceable enough, as against the chatterboxes and old moneys who mostly just connive their ways to the top. Both sides would have had their dealings with the wealthiest echelons of the billionaire classes and dynasties who by now must have had their hands in every single pie self-generating endless generational dough and would be blasé either way, and both would have no doubt benefited from the backdrop of the free market initiatives and globalisation that make them unimaginably richer. Both sides can overlap and intertwine, in motives and interests and standings—and members of one camp can abscond to a greener, greedier, greasier pasture (Gates, Besoz)—and yet Trump and Musk, for their own peculiar yet different reasons, do not seem to fit into the existing power structure.
If the suggestion surfaces, that Trump and Musk act in such a way as to benefit their billionaire friends, I may have to ask: what billionaire friends? Trump has been a laughing stock in business and a running gag in media for decades. And politicians despise and revile Trump (see: Seth Meyers’ speech at the White House in 2011). When it comes to Musk, does anyone think a man like Musk is truly capable of maintaining a friendship?
It is quite obvious that both of these figures are upsetting the current political order and they don’t seem to be doing it for show. Musk’s purchase of Twitter is dumb, financially, beyond anyone’s imagination. Social media speculated at the time that he bought Twitter in order to gain access to the wealth of natural language corpus necessary to train an AI which could then be linked up with Neuralink, but that speculation did not bear out or came close to being based on anything tangible. The press figured him as a stupid and silly businessman throwing his money away at a doomed pet project and overwhelmingly glossed over the reporting of motive. He had said he bought Twitter to disrupt the public discourse and wanted to change things, and that he did. His free speech haven however turned rightway quickly and perhaps that’s what he had wanted. But Musk has been transparent with his motives from the beginning. We won’t be able to understand Musk unless we take stock of his decision to purchase Twitter which has led him down this path.
There is a rather comical story arc in Boston Legal where Denny Crane, a character very much based on Trump, is being vetted for a republican presidential run. It turns out to be a major leg pull, with everyone working him up to believe that he would win a candidacy. That is a vile joke no doubt and Trump must have gone through a similar experience or encountered the exact same level of derision trying to make it into politics. A narcissist like him does not take well to being disrespected, let alone bullied.
I think Musk and Trump are more alone than we would like to think, which would explain Musk’s cabal being consisted of twenty-something-year-olds. It would explain their unlikely alliance. It would explain their cantankerous unconstitutional undertaking that takes a circuitous route in an attempt to strike at the heart of the matter. The matter being, hopefully, to tuck at the thread of the quadrumvirate of power. One must not forget that Trump survived an assassination attempt and it is old wives’ tale at this point to question the official bulletins despite the questionable, statistically anomalous tragedies that struck down three prominent Kennedys in succession (John, Bobby, John-John) and mutilated another (Robert Jr.). But if someone like Trump even remotely suspects foul play or an inside job, then his radical approach at undoing or circumnavigating the existing order might start to make a bit more sense.
There is a great deal of American politicking embedded in a show whose main focus was supposed to be about international geopolitics: Madam Secretary. Foreign aid was a recurring theme. Intelligence was a low-key, dependable, ominous presence. Political maneuvering with and kowtowing to interwoven corporate interests became more prominently featured in later seasons. I must admit that re-watching it recently has underscored some negative points that had been glossed over during my initial introduction to the show, including Madam Secretary advocating for a swift transferring of $50 million dollar into a pocket of a Taliban terrorist as an outcome of a strategic decision, nepotism sticking out like a sore-thumb, and foreign aid being obfuscated and advertised as something it clearly is not. One finds it hard to believe that the show is not a state-funded propaganda. If the government funded Jackson Pollock back in the 1950-60s, they surely must have funded Jack Bauer for example. After all his legacy did find its way into the Supreme Court in an infamous hypothetical that had since elicited a snowclone of the Christian imperative: ‘What would Jack Bauer do?’
But I am one of the least politically informed persons and aside from reading Machiavelli and Paine for literary value in college (also some Hobbes and Arendt and a textbook on political philosophy I could scrounge off the university library) have got no special flairs for nor interests in politics. So take this as a tree fiddy. It would take a person with real psychological acumen and political insight buttressed by historical training to draw up a précis of the situation worth reading. However I have this much to say: the whippersnappers seem to have got the rein and the old fogeys are discombobulated. This can portend a meaningful change or forebode a structural calamity (gerontocracy is after all a scurrilous damnation). It so far does not look like political showmanship if one casts a holistic glance. I believe it was Karl Kraus who wrote that the ends are the means of forgetting the means. Hopefully it never comes to that.
I have pointed out some time ago the interesting phenomenon of Thai businessmen’s venture into politics who have either revolutionised (former PM Thaksin Shinawatra the telecom magnet) or been hampered in their bid to revolutionise, or modernise, the country (Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit the automotive billionaire tycoon and Pita Limjaroenrat the millionaire CEO). These largely self-made men (a well-heeled beginning coupled with sheer intelligence and will-power) garnered a broad swell of popular support and upended traditional politics. The full pictures are of course too complicated and too inflamed by scandals and ire to unravel here. But in the main they are success stories engendering hope. It was Thaksin, the shrewd businessman, who nationalised healthcare, distributed wealth to provincial backwaters, and inspired grass-root activism. Thanathorn set the Western media abuzz. All of them ended up being ousted by the powers-that-be (nobility, military, and commerce). However no one here, in press or in passing, ever outright imputed to them without slender provocation the slanderous charge of money-eyed opportunism or greedy cronyism by mere virtue of their class, background, or association. Mudslinging and malignity are unprincipled and unenlightened, even as a counterpoise to gasbaggery and brinkmanship.
Hobsbawm has written as to the cause or catalyst of the French Revolution:
“War and debt — the American War and its debt — broke the back of the monarchy. The government’s crisis gave the aristocracy and the parlements their chance. They refused to pay without an extension of their privileges…”
And the consequence of which was the institution of the Third Estate:
“Since the peasants and labouring poor were illiterate, politically modest or immature and the process of election indirect, 610 men, mostly of this stamp, were elected to represent the Third Estate. Most were lawyers who played an important role in provincial France; about a hundred were capitalists and businessmen. The middle class had fought bitterly and successfully to win a representation as large as that of the nobility and clergy combined, a moderate ambition for a group officially representing 95 percent of the people.”
And on the British Industrial Revolution:
“.. The ‘Enlightenment’ .. drew its strength primarily from the evident progress of production, trade, and the economic and scientific rationality believed to be associated inevitably with both. And its greatest champions were the economically most progressive classes, those most directly involved in the tangible advances of the time: the mercantile circles and economically enlightened landlords, financiers, scientifically-minded economic and social administrators, the educated middle class, manufacturers and entrepreneurs. Such men hailed a Benjamin Franklin, working printer and journalist, inventor, entrepreneur, statesman and shrewd businessman, as the symbol of the active, self-made, reasoning citizen of the future“